Sunday 26th January, 2025.
Posted by: Prince Ahmed Hassan (TOHA)
BY: PROF. MIKE A. A. OZEKHOME, SAN, CON , OFR, FCIArb, LL.M, Ph.D, LL.D, D.Litt, D.SC, DA, DHL
INTRODUCTION
The 2nd part of this intervention, we assessed the impact of the military coups which ended the 1st Republic and led to the civil war. It then dwelt on the persistent theme of corruption up to the beginning of the current democratic dispensation- and the efforts made to compact the menace. This edition will continue on same, focusing on the Babangida regime and that of Gen Sani Abacha to conclude with an assessment of the legacy of military rule. It will thereafter comment on the hope of the June 12, 1993 that was dashed, the dawn of the 4th Republic (the Obasanjo administration). Read on.
While the WAI campaign had some success in instilling a semblance of order, it came at the cost of civil liberties. The Buhari regime silenced dissent, shut down the press, and arrested critics without trial. Journalists, academics, and activists who dared to challenge the military’s authority were imprisoned.
In 1984, Decree No. 4 was enacted, significantly curtailing the freedom of journalists to operate as public educators. This decree restricted their ability to raise, investigate, report, and interpret issues, whether in specialized or general formats. Its provisions and penalties were seen as even more severe than charges of sedition. Two journalists from The Guardian, Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor, were among the first to fall victim to this decree. They were prosecuted for publishing an exclusive story about a government policy involving the diplomatic appointment of General Ibrahim B.M. Haruna as Nigeria’s envoy to the United Kingdom, made by General Haldu Hananiya. Despite widespread public outcry and pleas from their colleagues, both journalists were tried and sentenced to prison.
Under Buhari, Nigeria became a state where fear and repression reigned supreme. As the popular saying goes, “When two elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers.” The Nigerian people bore the brunt of the authoritarian policies, as the regime became more focused on enforcing discipline than addressing the structural issues that plagued the economy.
However, Buhari’s reign was short-lived. In August 1985, his government was overthrown in a bloodless coup led by his Chief of Army Staff, General Ibrahim Babangida. See PM News. (2019). IBB at 78: The book that influenced his politics. PM News. <https://pmnewsnigeria.com/2019/08/14/ibb-at-78-the-book-that-influenced-his-politics/>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024. Ironically, Babangida, who came to be known as “Maradona” for his cunning political manoeuvres, accused Buhari of the very authoritarianism and lack of economic vision that his own regime would later become infamous for (Ibid).
THE BABANGIDA YEARS: A CORRUPT DANCE OF DECEPTION
The military coup of 1985 ushered in a new chapter in Nigeria’s history one dominated by Ibrahim Babangida. Babangida’s regime was unique in its paradoxes: he promised democratic reforms and initiated economic liberalization policies, yet his government was also notorious for institutionalizing corruption, manipulating elections, and perpetuating political instability (Chidozie, F. C., & Ajaebili, C. N. (2015). The role of Nigeria in peacekeeping operations from 1960 to 2013. Journal of Public Administration, 50(2), 212-229. <https://journals.co.za/doi/pdf/10.10520/EJC194865>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). Babangida, a master of political intrigue, promised Nigeria a return to civilian rule but continually postponed elections, prolonging his grip on power.
Babangida’s regime is perhaps most remembered for its implementation of the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) in 1986, a set of economic policies prescribed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (Egobueze, A., & Ojirika, C. (2013). Political leadership and democratic consolidation in Nigeria: The roles of political parties. CORE. <https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/12356382.pdf>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). The SAP aimed to restructure Nigeria’s economy by devaluing the Naira, removing subsidies, and encouraging privatization. While these reforms were designed to stimulate growth, they had disastrous consequences for ordinary Nigerians. The removal of subsidies led to skyrocketing prices of essential goods like food and fuel, causing widespread hardship. Many saw the SAP as a betrayal of the Nigerian people, a sell-out to foreign interests at the expense of the nation’s well-being. The Nigerian Workers’ Union famously declared that “SAP means Suffering and Pain.” Meanwhile, corruption flourished under Babangida’s watch. Government contracts were awarded without oversight, and state resources were siphoned off into private bank accounts. The oil boom of the late 1980s further fueled the culture of graft. It was during Babangida’s era that the saying “Corruption is Nigeria’s fastest-growing industry” became popular. His government, often described as a “kleptocracy,” institutionalized the diversion of public funds for personal gain.
The most glaring example of this was the infamous “Gulf War Oil Windfall.” During the Gulf War in the early 1990s, Nigeria reaped billions of dollars in oil profits due to high global oil prices (Sahara Reporters. (2012). Babangida’s $12.4 billion Gulf War oil windfall theft: Court dismisses SERAP’s Okigbo report suit. Sahara Reporters. <https://saharareporters.com/2012/11/29/babangidas-124-billion-gulf-war-oil-windfall-theft-court-dismisses-seraps-okigbo-report>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). It was reported that Nigeria made about $12.4 Billion during this period, adjusted for inflation in 2024 that will put the figure around $27.7 Billion (45.3 Trillion Naira). However, most of this windfall mysteriously disappeared from the nation’s coffers. Despite widespread demands for accountability, no comprehensive audit was conducted, and the funds were never recovered.
JUNE 12, 1993: THE HOPE THAT WAS STOLEN
Perhaps the defining moment of Babangida’s rule was the June 12, 1993, election, a watershed event that shook the foundations of Nigeria’s political system. After years of delaying democratic elections, Babangida finally allowed them to proceed. The presidential election of 1993 was widely regarded as Nigeria’s freest and fairest. Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, a wealthy businessman and philanthropist, emerged as the clear winner, garnering support from across ethnic and religious lines (Encyclopedia Britannica. (n.d.). Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola. Encyclopedia Britannica. <https://www.britannica.com/biography/Moshood-Kashimawo-Olawale-Abiola>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). His campaign slogan, “Hope ’93: Farewell to Poverty,” resonated with millions of Nigerians who were desperate for change.
But just as the nation was poised to enter a new democratic era, Babangida annulled the election results, citing “irregularities” to which later admitted that the elections were annulled due to national security considerations, which he didn’t specify (Vanguard News. (2013). Why we annulled June 12 presidential election – General Ibrahim Babangida. Vanguard. <https://www.vanguardngr.com/2013/06/why-we-annuled-june-12-presidential-election-general-ibrahim-babangida/>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). This decision sparked national outrage and mass protests. Nigeria was plunged into political chaos, and Babangida, faced with mounting pressure from all sides, was forced to “step aside” on August 27, 1993. However, instead of handing over power to a democratically elected government, he installed an interim government led by Ernest Shonekan, a decision that would lead to further instability.
The annulment of the June 12 election is often described as “the day Nigeria’s hope was stolen.” The memory of June 12 still lingers in Nigeria’s collective consciousness, a symbol of the nation’s unfulfilled promise of democracy. For many, it was a reminder that corruption and political manipulation were deeply entrenched in Nigeria’s system of governance.
SANI ABACHA: THE DARKEST DAYS
Following Babangida’s departure, Nigeria was thrown into a period of uncertainty. The interim government led by Shonekan lasted only a few months before it was overthrown in yet another military coup in November 1993 (Wikipedia contributors. (n.d.). 1993 Nigerian coup d’état. Wikipedia. <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1993_Nigerian_coup_d%27état>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). This time, the man who took control was General Sani Abacha, a figure who would become synonymous with oppression, brutality, and grand-scale corruption (Okeke, V. O. S., & Aniche, E. T. (2013). Political parties and poverty of leadership in Nigeria: A historical discourse. Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review, 1(3), 25-45. <https://apsdpr.org/index.php/apsdpr/article/view/151/230>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.).
Abacha’s reign (1993-1998) is widely regarded as one of the darkest periods in Nigeria’s history. Under his dictatorship, human rights were grossly violated, dissent was ruthlessly suppressed, and political opponents were either jailed or executed. The most notorious example was the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa, a prominent environmentalist and writer who had led a peaceful campaign against the exploitation and environmental degradation of Ogoniland by multinational oil companies. Despite international outcry, Saro-Wiwa and eight other Ogoni activists were hanged in 1995, sending shockwaves across the globe.
Abacha’s regime was also marked by unprecedented levels of corruption. His government looted an estimated $5 billion from Nigeria’s treasury, much of which was stashed in foreign bank accounts (SERAP. (2023). FG, account for the $5bn Abacha loot. SERAP. <https://serap-nigeria.org/2023/07/28/fg-account-for-the-5bn-abacha-loot/>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). The scale of corruption under Abacha was staggering. He and his cronies embezzled state funds with impunity, and Nigeria’s international reputation plummeted as the country became a pariah state. Transparency International, the global anti-corruption watchdog, once ranked Abacha as one of the most corrupt leaders in history.
Despite the brutality of his regime, Abacha ruled with an iron fist, holding onto power until his sudden death in June 1998. The circumstances of his death remain shrouded in mystery, but his departure opened the door for a return to civilian rule.
CONCLUSION: THE LEGACY OF MILITARY RULE
The era of military rule (1980-1999) left an indelible mark on Nigeria’s political landscape. The soldiers who had promised to rid Nigeria of corruption and mismanagement instead deepened the very problems they sought to solve. The military regimes of Buhari, Babangida, and Abacha institutionalized corruption, eroded democratic institutions, and perpetuated a culture of impunity.
Yet, amid the darkness, there were glimmers of hope. The June 12 election, despite its annulment, showed that Nigerians were capable of uniting across ethnic and religious divides to demand a better future. The resilience of the Nigerian people, even in the face of brutal repression, laid the groundwork for the eventual return to civilian rule in 1999.
The military era may have ended, but its legacy continues to shape Nigeria’s political culture. The deep-seated corruption, the centralization of power, and the distrust of government are all remnants of this period. As Nigeria entered the Fourth Republic in 1999, it did so with a heavy burden, a burden of history that continues to weigh on the nation’s shoulders.
The challenge for Nigeria moving forward was clear: to break the vicious cycle of military intervention, authoritarianism, and corruption, and to build a democratic system where accountability, transparency, and justice would reign supreme. As the saying goes, “A river does not forget its source, but it can chart a new course.” Nigeria, too, must remember its past but strive for a better future.
RETURN TO CIVILIAN RULE: DEMOCRATIC HOPE VS. ENDEMIC CORRUPTION (1999-2015)
THE DAWN OF THE FOURTH REPUBLIC: A NATION REBORN
In May 1999, after nearly 16 years of uninterrupted military rule, Nigeria was once again ushered into a new era of civilian governance. General Abdulsalami Abubakar, who had taken over after the sudden death of General Sani Abacha in 1998, kept his promise to hand over power to a democratically elected government. That day, Olusegun Obasanjo, a former military ruler himself (1976-1979), took the presidential oath. His return to power marked the birth of the Fourth Republic, a symbol of hope for a nation battered by years of dictatorship and corruption.
The mood in Nigeria was euphoric. Streets thronged with jubilant crowds celebrating what many believed to be the dawn of a new era. The Nigerian playwright and Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka remarked at the time, “A new chapter has been opened, but will the ink we write with be of hope or betrayal?” Soyinka’s words captured the cautious optimism of the time. While Nigerians yearned for a fresh start, they knew all too well that the ghosts of military rule still haunted their politics. (To be continued).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“A genuine leader is not a searcher for consensus but a molder of consensus”. – Martin Luther King, Jr.
LAST LINE
God bless my numerous global readers for always keeping faith with the Sunday Sermon on the Mount of the Nigerian Project, by humble me, Prof Mike Ozekhome, SAN, CON, OFR, FCIArb., LL.M, Ph.D, LL.D, D.Litt, D.Sc, DHL, DA. Kindly come with me to next week’s exciting dissertation.
